It's not the best constitution in the world

The 1987 Philippine Constitution: Why It’s Outdated, Flawed, and Far from the World's Best

For decades, the 1987 Constitution of the Philippines has served as the nation’s fundamental law. Born out of the struggle against dictatorship, it sought to restore democracy. Yet, decades on, a chorus of experts, reformists, and citizens now argue that the charter is defective, outdated, and unfit for the dynamic challenges of the 21st century.

Entrenchment of Oligarchic Politics

While the Constitution aims to foster democracy, in reality, it has done little to break the grip of a small elite on political power. The nation's post-1986 laws have proved more successful at legislating social and economic measures than enacting genuine structural political change. Even strong-willed presidents, bolstered by supermajorities and public approval, failed to realize deep constitutional change, highlighting the document’s rigidity in the face of urgent reform needs. Rather than opening politics to ordinary Filipinos, the charter has enabled the persistence of oligarchic structures, limiting meaningful political participation.

Unaddressed Regional and Ethnic Conflicts

The 1987 Constitution has not meaningfully resolved longstanding regional struggles, especially in Mindanao. The Moro people’s demands for political autonomy and justice remain largely unmet, prolonging one of Southeast Asia’s longest internal conflicts. Failure to grant effective self-governance, alongside poor governance and persistent discrimination, has further justified separatist aspirations and fueled violence. Attempts at peace and autonomy, often rooted in constitutional provisions, have failed to deliver true empowerment and sustainable development in these regions.

Inadequate Checks and Balances

The judiciary, intended as an independent check, is in practice shaped by presidential appointments, with clear government-opposition coalitions forming within the Supreme Court. This undermines judicial impartiality and allows partisan agendas to permeate crucial legal decisions. Such flaws hinder the effective separation of powers, allowing for executive overreach or legislative gridlock.

Stagnant Political and Economic Development

Despite aspirations for good governance and progress, the Constitution leaves significant gaps in institutional performance and accountability. It does not force an overhaul of outdated laws or promote bold governance improvements. Instead, political incentives for real structural reform are weak; attempts at incremental change often fall short of the tangible results needed to tackle poverty, corruption, and inequality. Socioeconomic disparities linger, with calls for agrarian reform and alternative development models repeatedly stymied by the charter’s neoliberal framework and strongholds of elite power.

Problematic Church-State Dynamics

Although constitutional principles call for the separation of church and state, contemporary events reveal that these boundaries are often crossed. Political leaders and church authorities remain locked in conflict over issues such as reproductive health, sex education, and lawmaking. Instead of promoting a secular policy environment, the Constitution struggles to prevent profound religious influence over public affairs. This dynamic stymies social reform and undermines progress on issues like women’s health and rights.

Outdated Provisions and Language Issues

Some constitutional sections, reflecting the historical context of the late 1980s, have not aged well. For example, language policies aimed at unity or global competitiveness often fail in practice, allowing social realities and English-language dominance to persist at the expense of local languages and cultural identities. The Constitution’s ambiguous language on certain rights, governance structures, and social policies complicate effective and equitable implementation.

Persistently High Corruption and Weak Enforcement

The Constitution’s provisions against corruption have proved insufficient for eradicating deep-seated malpractices. Despite anti-corruption laws and periodic purges, corrupt practices remain endemic in the government, casting doubt on the effectiveness of constitutional safeguards. Laws designed to guarantee land reform and social justice also struggle with implementation, leaving marginalized communities with little genuine redress.

Education and Governance Failures

Philippine education reform has fallen short of its promise. Decentralization, promoted under the constitutional framework, has produced piecemeal adjustments rather than bold institutional transformation. Fundamental governance issues, such as inadequately defined functional responsibilities and lack of inclusive policymaking, go unaddressed, perpetuating inequity and administrative inefficiency.

Conclusion: Rotten at the Core?

In summary, the 1987 Philippine Constitution has failed to live up to its billing as the world’s best. It is rigid in crucial aspects yet vague where specificity is desperately needed. The document both reflects and perpetuates the fractured, elite-dominated reality it was meant to transcend. Calls for charter change, whether gradual or sweeping, reflect a common recognition: the time has come for decisive constitutional reform.

Spanish: The Language We Didn’t Choose to Lose

The Forgotten Majority: When Filipinos Spoke Spanish

The common answer says Spanish never really took root in the Philippines. That claim does not survive a serious look at the historical record.

Spanish was widely spoken in the Philippines by the time the Americans arrived. Not by a tiny elite (or ilustrados). Not only inside churches or courts. By ordinary Filipinos, as a first or second language. What changed was not public preference, but policy, power, and war.

The decline of Spanish was not natural. It was engineered.

First, we need to correct the numbers.

American censuses in 1903 and 1905 claimed that only around 10 percent of Filipinos spoke Spanish. With a population of roughly nine million, this placed Spanish speakers at about 900,000. But this figure counted only those who spoke Spanish as their first and only language.

In 1908, Luciano de la Rosa, a Katipunan veteran, lawyer, and member of the Philippine Assembly, published a different finding. He showed that around 60 percent of Filipinos spoke Spanish as a second language. Combined with first language speakers, this means close to 70 percent of the population could speak Spanish in some form.

That is a majority.

This was not an abstract claim. Early American officials confirmed it themselves. David P. Barrows, Director of the Bureau of Public Instruction, noted that the socially influential classes spoke Spanish. Politics, journalism, and commerce operated mainly in Spanish. English, at that point, was marginal.

Spanish was the working language of public life.

So what changed?

American rule deliberately disconnected the Philippines from the Hispanic world. This happened through three main channels.

First, education.

The Americans introduced a public school system that was broader and more efficient than what existed before. This part is often praised, and rightly so. But the system was designed to privilege English. Spanish was excluded from higher education and public administration. Over time, English became the language of mobility.

Ironically, early American education even increased Spanish literacy at first. Barrows himself admitted that more Filipinos knew Spanish after the American occupation began. This alarmed colonial officials. Barrows openly argued that Spanish would decline if it were cut off from institutional support, since the Philippines was geographically isolated from other Spanish-speaking countries.

That was not an accident. It was strategy.

Second, suppression and stigma.

Spanish was slowly removed from public life. It was portrayed as backward. Spain was framed as the villain of history, while the United States cast itself as the savior. English was presented as modern, practical, and necessary. Spanish became associated with the past, even with punishment. Speaking it meant exclusion from power.

Prominent Filipino educators resisted this shift. They were ignored.

Third, destruction.

World War II delivered the final blow.

Manila was the center of Spanish-speaking life. Districts like Intramuros and Ermita formed the cultural core of Philippine Hispanidad. During the Battle of Manila, over 100,000 civilians died. Most of the city was destroyed. Around 90 percent of Spanish-owned buildings and institutions were wiped out.

Spanish-speaking communities were physically erased.

Even then, Spanish did not disappear overnight. Before the war, Spanish literature in the Philippines experienced a golden age. Major Filipino writers were still producing works in Spanish well into the 1920s and 1930s. English literature was still developing.

Manila itself remained largely Spanish-speaking until the war. Ermita even developed its own Chavacano variety, now extinct.

After three American wars fought on Philippine soil, English became the language of the victor.

This history matters.

The disappearance of Spanish in the Philippines was not proof that Filipinos rejected it. It was the result of deliberate policy, cultural isolation, and mass destruction. Guillermo Gómez Rivera calls this cultural genocide. That term is debated. But the intent to sever the Philippines from its Hispanic roots is clearly documented.

The United States achieved many things. But its empire was built by dismantling other cultures. The Philippines is not unique. Guam, Hawaii, Puerto Rico, and Native American nations tell similar stories.

Spanish in the Philippines is weakened, but not dead. What is missing is an honest conversation. One that acknowledges how language power works. One that accepts that history is not neutral.

You cannot explain the present if you erase the past.

References

• Gómez Rivera, G. La persecución del uso oficial del idioma español en Filipinas. Revista Arbil.
• Gómez Rivera, G. Statistics: The Spanish Language in the Philippines.
• Barrows, D. P. Reports of the Bureau of Public Instruction.
• Quilis, A. and Casado-Fresnillo, C. La lengua española en Filipinas. Madrid, 2008.
• Rodríguez-Ponga, R. Pero ¿cuántos hablan español en Filipinas? Cuadernos Hispanoamericanos.
• The Sack of Manila. The Battling Bastards of Bataan.

Things to do in 2026 and beyond

100 things that I don't know that I should miss in my life

A curated list of 100 things I may not know that I should experience or not miss in life, in no particular order of importance, but arranged to inspire myself, and so are you:

Google Photo

Experiences that expand my world

• Visit a remote Philippine island with no signal.
• Watch a play at the Cultural Center of the Philippines.
• Walk alone in a foreign country where you don’t speak the language.
• Spend a night in an ancestral house in Vigan.
• Tour a Spanish-era church and ask the priest about its history.
• Get lost in Intramuros with no map.
• See the Northern Lights at least once.
• Visit a UNESCO heritage site outside the Philippines.
• Go on a solo road trip across Luzon.
• Ride a slow train through the countryside.

Creative and artistic moments

• Join an improv class (yes, even as an actor).
• Write and direct a short film—even on your phone.
• Paint something abstract and hang it in your home.
• Watch a silent film in an old theater.
• Memorize and perform a monologue by heart—just for yourself.
• Record your own voice reading poetry and play it back.
• Attend a backstage rehearsal of a major play.
• Make a documentary about your neighborhood.
• Collaborate with a visual artist.
• Try stage managing a small production.

Human encounters you won’t forget

• Listen to a stranger’s life story in a café.
• Interview a World War II survivor.
• Have a heart-to-heart with your oldest living relative.
• Sit beside a child and ask them about their dreams.
• Volunteer for a cause that makes you cry.
• Talk to a street vendor about their day.
• Reconnect with someone from your past—even if awkward.
• Hug a person who really needs it.
• Say sorry to someone you hurt.
• Say “I forgive you” even if they don’t apologize.

Soulful and inner work

• Take a vow of silence for one day.
• Spend one weekend offline.
• Write a letter to your future self.
• Meditate during sunrise in nature.
• Watch the stars with zero distractions.
• Let go of something painful—and release it with ritual.
• Read a sacred text from a different religion.
• Go on a retreat with no phones, no goals—just reflection.
• Keep a dream journal for a month.
• Light a candle for someone you lost.

Nature encounters to remember

• Hike a mountain before dawn.
• Swim under a waterfall in Sagada or Aurora.
• Plant a tree and name it.
• Sleep under the stars without a tent.
• Observe birds in their natural habitat.
• Feed animals in a wildlife sanctuary.
• Surf even if you’re scared.
• See fireflies in Palawan or Donsol.
• Trek to an old crater lake.
• Experience the sea during a full moon.

Lifelong learning

• Learn to write with your non-dominant hand.
• Read a book from a banned list.
• Learn how to say “thank you” in 20 languages.
• Take an online course on something obscure (like Norse mythology).
• Study your own family genealogy.
• Watch a foreign film without subtitles.
• Learn sign language basics.
• Memorize one famous speech (try Martin Luther King or Jose Rizal).
• Learn how to read your birth chart.
• Try solving a Rubik’s cube.

Professional lessons that matter

• Say no to a high-paying opportunity that doesn’t align with your values.
• Mentor someone younger than you.
• Pitch an idea that scares you.
• Get rejected and bounce back stronger.
• Be on stage or camera with no script.
• Negotiate your worth without guilt.
• Work with people who challenge your perspective.
• Present something live to a skeptical audience.
• Learn to say “I don’t know” confidently.
• Build a passion project that pays nothing—at first.

Simple joys and guilty pleasures

• Eat street food in a hidden alley.
• Cook your childhood favorite dish for friends.
• Drink halo-halo during a storm.
• Dance in the rain in your neighborhood.
• Watch a sappy teleserye and cry.
• Ride a tricycle at midnight while singing karaoke.
• Laugh until your stomach hurts with old friends.
• Eat alone in a fancy restaurant.
• Wear your fanciest clothes on an ordinary day.
• Watch your favorite movie three times in a row.

Financial and Legacy Thinking

• Save for something that inspires you, not just what you need.
• Set up a fund for someone else’s education.
• Create a will—even just a simple one.
• Buy land or a space that’s meaningful, not just profitable.
• Donate anonymously.
• Spend for an experience rather than a gadget.
• Learn how to do taxes by yourself (once).
• Write your “financial regrets” and learn from them.
• Build passive income—even if small.
• Gift a book that changed your life.

Legacy, Purpose, and the Long Game

• Speak at a school where you once studied.
• Write your personal manifesto and share it.
• Record a message to your future grandkids.
• Leave a thank-you note to your mentors.
• Help a stranger reach their dream.
• Plant something meaningful on your birthday.
• Build or help build a physical thing that outlasts you (a mural, tree, school desk).
• Tell your life story—even if you think it’s “ordinary.”
• Apologize to your younger self.
• Let your heart break wide open and still choose to love again.

Pampanga: The Mega-Province that once ruled Central Luzon

Pampanga Once Spanned Coast to Coast: What Went Wrong?

If we imagine Pampanga today, we see the heart-shaped province at the mouth of the Pampanga River—renowned for its culinary traditions, festive celebrations, and strong people. But in centuries past, Pampanga wasn't merely the province we see today. It was a coast-to-coast mega-province that spanned the China Sea in the west to the Pacific Ocean in the east.

Yes, you are reading that correctly—Pampanga once dominated the central portion of Luzon.

Pampanga: One of Luzon's First Mega-Provinces

Founded early on in Spanish colonization, Pampanga was one of Luzon's initial three huge provinces, together with Ilocos (north) and Manila (south, including Bicol).

Large parts of Pampanga were wilderness territory—swamps, forests, rice paddies—with settlements along the Pampanga River (Rio Grande de la Pampanga) and Rio Chico. Kapampangan-speaking peoples inhabited the areas along these rivers, while tribal communities, including headhunting tribes that were feared, inhabited the interior.

As colonial control became deeper, the borders of Pampanga expanded dramatically. At some point, its authority reached as far north as Palanan, Isabela, and as far south as Infanta, Quezon. Pampanga actually covered both seas.

Why Pampanga Lost Territory?

The primary concern was governance. It was practically impossible to rule such a vast area from Bacolor, the capital town. The Spaniards started dividing Pampanga into commandancias (military posts), which later became distinct provinces:

• Nueva Ecija (1704) – Originally a commandancia, eventually a province in 1848, which incorporated Kapampangan-speaking municipalities such as Cabiao, Gapan, and San Isidro.
• Nueva Vizcaya (1839) – Created out of Pampanga's northern provinces.
• Principe (1853) – Eventually became Tayabas, then Quezon, then Aurora.
• Isabela (1856) – Continuing to reduce Pampanga's northern extent.
• Tarlac (1860) – Encompassed Pampanga towns Floridablanca, Porac, Mabalacat, and Magalang. These were restored later but Tarlac was made a full-fledged province by 1873.

The rest of Pampanga was ceded to Bataan (established in 1754) and further exerted an influence on Zambales through ancient mountain trails, some of which were lost only after the 1991 eruption of Mount Pinatubo.

Even Bulacan's past intersects with Pampanga. Some historians maintain that Pampanga's southern boundary originally extended as far as the Pasig River. Kapampangan heritage is still evident in Bulacan place names—Kapitangan, Longos, Calumpang, Pinaod, Biclat, and many more.

Pampanga Today

After centuries of political remaking, Pampanga has contracted to its current state. But here's the key point: the Kapampangan cultural area stretches far beyond its official limits.

To this day, Kapampangan continues to be spoken in sections of:

• Nueva Ecija (Cabiao, San Isidro, Gapan)
• Bulacan (Hagonoy, San Miguel, Pulilan, Paombong)
• Bataan (Dinalupihan, Hermosa, Orion, Pilar, Balanga)
• Tarlac (Bamban, Capas, Concepcion, sections of Tarlac City)

The lines drawn on maps may divide political provinces, but culture, language, and memory cross the lines.

Why This History Matters?

The province was founded on December 11, 1571 and reading about the history of Pampanga as a mega-province reminds us of three things:

• Colonial administration reshaped our maps, but not our identity. Kapampangan roots remain strong across central Luzon despite political borders.
• History explains culture. Ever wondered why people in Bulacan or Nueva Ecija speak Kapampangan? Or why Bataan town names sound Kapampangan? The answer lies in Pampanga’s vast reach centuries ago.
• Unity, not division. Nowadays, borders might be important for administration, but for culture and identity, they don't exist. A kabalen from Nueva Ecija is no less Kapampangan than a kabalen from San Fernando.

Final Word

Pampanga is no longer the coast-to-coast mega-province it was before. But its spirit remains in the language, customs, and collective memory of its people throughout Central Luzon.

Thus to our Kapampangan brothers and sisters in Bulacan, Nueva Ecija, Bataan, and Tarlac: the map may dictate otherwise, but history dictates otherwise, you are, and will forever remain, part of us.

E malaut a Kapampangan—no border can ever alter that.

Beyond the Big 4: The Truth About Class and Education in the Philippines

Elite Education in the Philippines: Gateway or Gatekeeping?

Throughout most of Philippine history, higher education belonged only to the rich. From the ilustrados who went abroad to study in Europe in the Spanish period, to the pensionados who were sent to the United States during the American period, education was never merely about learning—it was about class.

Even now, our education system is still reflective of that truth. The better schools are still pricey and exclusive, while most Filipinos are stuck with under-funded public schools. As sociologist Dr. Lorenzana explains:

"Schools are a proxy for social class identity. The way this works as a class practice is through the process of distinction."

In other words, schools don't just educate. They sort. They define. They divide.

Education as Social Capital

Which "flavor" of elite education you receive often determines your career trajectory. Certain schools have a reputation for medicine, others law or business. Each one specializes, perpetuating the idea that education isn't about gaining knowledge—it's about gaining entry to opportunities.

This has implications:

• HR officers view the name of the school on a CV as a gauge of "quality."
• Networks created in elite schools become internships, employment, and promotions.
• Cultural capital—accents, mannerisms, even extracurriculums—marks class.
• The outcome? School reinforces inequality rather than eradicates it.

Rebuttal #1: "Everyone has equal access now, we have scholarships."

True, scholarships do exist. But they only serve a limited number of students, and most of them demand already solid academic backgrounds to start with. In the meantime, the rest still struggle through crowded classrooms, underpaid teachers, and archaic curricula in public schools.

Data Check: UNESCO (2022) indicates that the Philippines invests only 3.2% of its GDP in education, far from the recommended 6%. This constrains access and quality across the board. Scholarships will not make a dent in bridging the gap when the system is inherently unequal.

Rebuttal #2: "It's about merit, not money."

Education rewards talent and hard work in theory. Privilege tilts the table in practice. A student who attends a wealthy private school can score high marks on university entrance exams—not only due to aptitude, but because the private school paid for smaller class sizes, improved facilities, and test preparation.

Their equally able public school peers struggle with much fewer resources. Meritocracy is impossible without equal opportunity.

Rebuttal #3: "At least K-12 and CHED reforms make us job-ready."

The Education Department has made efforts to make K-12 "job market-ready," while CHED has pushed to lower general education requirements. The concept is to make employability more important than liberal arts.

But this sole focus can lead to schools becoming factories for low-wage jobs. A diploma that ensures only a ₱20,000 starting salary is not the life-changing promise of education—it's a compromise.

Education must not be merely about employment; it must be about self-empowerment, critical thinking, and civic engagement. Framing it as a pipeline for cheap labor devalues its real worth.

On Self-Worth Beyond the "Big 4"

What about those who don't hail from Ateneo, UP, La Salle, or UST? Are they bound for less? Maybe not.

Dr. Lorenzana's counsel pierces the illusion:

“To make it in this world, one needs to have realistic goals and survive. Do not resent yourself or society for your social situation. Learn the rules of the game.”

This means finding ways to build capital outside of school branding:

• Building a portfolio of actual work and skills.
• Leveraging online platforms for certifications and training.
• Expanding networks beyond school through organizations, volunteering, or freelance work.
• Prestige opens doors, but skills and hard work keep them open.

Last Thought

The Philippine education system is still highly bound to class identity. The "Big 4" and other elite universities continue to dominate channels to power and affluence. But education needs to be taken back not as a gatekeeper, but as a gateway—for all Filipinos, no matter the status.

We are not fated to an unfair system. But we cannot pretend that scholarships and ad hoc reforms suffice. True change calls for systemic reform: increased investment in public schools, more equitable hiring practices that don't discriminate based on alma mater, and a cultural shift that rewards competence over connections.

Until then, we play "the game." But maybe it's time we quit just playing by the rules—and began rewriting them.

When Principles Create Opposition

A Man Without Enemies Is a Man Without Qualities

We're living in a world where we habitually admire individuals who are "everyone's favorite." But the catch here is this: if no one dislikes you, if you have never offended anyone with your beliefs, then maybe you've never really believed in anything to begin with.

Why Enemies Are Proof of Conviction

To have enemies isn't to be offensive or cruel for the sake of being so. It's to live with integrity tough enough to resist lies, injustice, and mediocrity. The moment you stand up for something—against corruption, dishonesty, or plain wrongdoing—someone will be threatened by your existence.

Enemies, in this context, are the shadows of your principles. They are there because your virtues beam so highly that they bring to light what others would be happier keeping in the dark.

Neutrality Is Comfortable, but Empty

A man who is well-liked by all tends to opt for neutrality. He shies away from conflict,concurs with whoever yells the loudest, and compromises his values to maintain peace. Although this may appear like harmony on the outside, it is hollowness masquerading as one.

Reality? Neutrality is safe but lacks backbone. A man without an enemy is a blank slate—nothing offending, but nothing worthy either.

The Greats Always Had Enemies

• Socrates was sentenced to death for challenging the status quo.
• Jose Rizal was put to death for opposing oppression.
• Nelson Mandela was imprisoned for many years before he became a freedom icon worldwide.
• Bro. Eli Soriano who were maligned because of religious persecution.

Each one had enemies, not because each one was not good, but because their goodness was too disruptive to those who profit from injustice.

Enemies Are a Byproduct of Qualities

If you are truthful, you will be detested by liars.
If you are courageous, you will be fought by cowards.
If you are self-controlled, you will be admired by the indolent.
If you are accomplished, you will be hated by the mediocre.
Your enemies are not evidence of your weaknesses, but of your influence.

Final Thought

An enemyless man is a man of no qualities because to live with no adversaries is to live without belief. If you never provoke argument, never upset any apple carts, never challenge thinking—you've just been present, not lived.

Do not be afraid of enemies, then. Be afraid, rather, of being so dull and unremarkable that you never get any.

Kind but not weak

Never Assume the Kind, Peaceful Person Is Unprepared for War

We tend to mistake kindness for weakness. When a person is calm, patient, and forgiving, it's easy to assume that they can be pushed around or taken advantage of. But history, philosophy, and even daily life remind us of a deeper truth: the kind and peaceful person is often the most prepared for war.

Why Kindness Should Never Be Confused With Weakness

Non-violent individuals aren't non-violent due to a lack of strength; they're non-violent because they've become proficient at it. They understand how destructive rage and violence can be, so they opt for restraint. But when pressed beyond rationale—when injustice, betrayal, or oppression knocks on the door—these are the same people who can call upon unimaginable will.

It's similar to the peaceful ocean—quiet on the surface but powerful enough to create storms that can redraw coastlines.

Preparedness Concealed Behind Peace

The kind soul has suffered more than we can imagine. Their kindness is not founded on naivety, but on struggle, suffering, and perseverance. They are the ones who've learned to bear burdens in silence, to remain calm when others would lose it, to listen rather than respond with anger.

And just because they've conditioned themselves to be at peace, they also know when to release power. Their fight may not be physical per se—it might be a fight of principles, of standing up against evil, of saying what is right in a sea of wrong, or of safeguarding their loved ones no matter what.

The Dangerous Power of the Peaceful

When war—real or figurative—comes, the underestimator becomes the one that people depend on. Their patience becomes strategy. Their empathy becomes leadership. Their silence becomes wisdom.

Sun Tzu penned in The Art of War: "Appear weak when you are strong, and strong when you are weak." Such is the peaceful person. You might never notice their complete strength until the day it's required. And when that day arrives, it can turn the tide in battles—personal or governmental.

Daily Evidence

• The shy student who ultimately confronts a bully.
• The unassuming worker who reveals wrongdoing.
• The peaceful parent who transforms into a lion when their child is threatened.
• The nonviolent citizen who goes onto the streets when democracy is crushed.
• Both remind us that peace is not passivity—it's controlled power.

Final Thought

Never think the gentle and peaceful individual is not ready for war. Behind their serenity there is a strength that, if aroused, can rattle worlds.

Peace is their option. But should war come upon them, they will battle—and they will battle with a passion far hotter than those who endure strife daily.

Noise culture

Do Loudspeakers Prove Anything? The Culture of Noise in Public Spaces

We’ve all experienced it: riding a bus or sitting in a jeepney, when suddenly someone decides the entire vehicle needs to hear their music or watch their TikTok videos at full volume. No earphones, no consideration—just raw sound blasting through a phone speaker like the rest of us are background extras in their personal music video.

It begs the question: what exactly are they trying to prove?

Noise as a Misplaced Badge of Confidence

For some, loud music in public is a way of saying, “Look at me! I’m here! I matter!” It’s a substitute for presence, a kind of noisy self-assertion. The irony? Instead of respect, it usually breeds irritation.

Much like corruption in government or vote-buying during elections, loudspeaker behavior is a symptom of something deeper: a system of tolerance for inconsiderate actions. Because people rarely get called out, the bad habit thrives.

The Illusion of Power Through Volume

Blasting music in a confined space doesn’t make one powerful or cool. It makes one inconsiderate. True confidence doesn’t need to intrude on others’ peace.

And if we look closer, this mirrors larger cultural problems in the Philippines:

Politicians amplify slogans but not solutions.

Officials make noise during campaigns, then go silent on accountability.

Citizens, frustrated with systemic issues, sometimes channel the same “noise first” attitude in daily life.

Noise becomes a metaphor for pretending to matter without truly contributing value.

Respect is the Real Flex

Just like how good governance requires systems that reward accountability, good public behavior requires social norms that reward respect.

Wearing earphones instead of blasting speakers is not just about courtesy—it’s about recognizing that your freedom ends where another person’s begins.

In the same way, our politics and economy need boundaries that prevent the powerful from trampling over ordinary people.

When we normalize inconsiderate behavior—whether in buses or in politics—we allow “noise” to replace genuine progress.

Reform Starts with Small Things

If we want systemic reform in governance, we should also start demanding reform in everyday behavior. That means:

• Speaking up when noise intrudes on public spaces.
• Modeling respect instead of tolerating selfishness.
• Understanding that “pakisama” doesn’t mean silence in the face of inconsiderate acts.

Because when we let the small forms of disrespect slide, it’s easier to let the bigger ones pass too.

Final Word

So the next time someone blasts their phone speaker on the bus, ask yourself: Is this confidence, or just noise?

In life and in politics, it’s the same lesson: volume is not value. Respect, accountability, and consideration are.

Real maturity is not about how loud you can be—it’s about how much peace you allow others to have.

The future with a lousy 1987 Constitution

How to Secure a Future with a Crumbling 1987 Constitution for the Philippines

The birth of the 1987 Constitution directly shows the passion of revolution and democracy emerging from the People Power Revolution. It was something like an infallible promise, the promise of liberty and governance anchored in justice and fairness. However, it has now betrayed cracks that do not allow the country to realize its growth. Understanding how to protect this country's future, yet operating within a constitution many believe is archaic, presents both a challenge and a necessity. 

Photo: Manila Bulletin

Acknowledgment of Constraints

First, it is pertinent to understand what makes the 1987 Constitution "broken" from several perspectives of people. Criticisms are aimed at rigid economic provisions, an overly centralized structure of government, and inability to stand changes surrounding the Philippines in the light of quick technological innovations and global economic shifts. Sometimes, these limitations constrain economic progress, hamper decentralization, and fail to address pressing issues of society.

Strategies to Protect the Future

1. Advocacy for Constitutional Reform

The constitutional revision or amendment process is the most direct mechanism for securing the country's future. Many dread the prospect of opening up the Constitution for revision as they fear this will lead to abuse, but a managed form of reforms geared toward key areas of economic liberalization and political structure may help break open growth potential together with a setting that fosters inclusivity.

2. Strengthening Democratic Institutions

This is done easily enough by strengthening the institutions tasked with ensuring democratic rule, even if it threatens to empower independent bodies such as COMELEC, CHR, and the judiciary to function both as checks against the constitutionally possible evil of abusing constitutionally provided gaps.

3. Civic Education and Participation

An enlightened citizenry is what should secure the future of the nation. Civil education and public awareness about the Constitution and its implications will build a more intense demand upon public authorities for meaningful reforms. If one knows what is at stake, then she or he is far better equipped to compel, or call to account, leaders to make changes that really benefit the common good.

4. Empowering Local Government Units (LGUs)

The 1987 Constitution can centralize much power at the national level, and LGUs can become very important in reaching the lower governance levels closer to community needs. In this scenario, empowerment of LGUs within this constitutional framework can serve as a model for participatory governance and localized solutions against issues that national policy could easily pass over.

5. Building a Culture of Accountability

The weaknesses of the current constitution must be improved. For such, an accountability and transparency culture should be established. This is implemented through the enforcement of extant laws against corruption. The freedom of information must strengthen, as well as protecting whistleblowers. With this step, the imperfect constitution still finds alignment with public interests.

6. Leadership and Vision

Leadership under the current constitutional regimes plays a crucial role in protecting the future. Accountable leaders with vision, operating within the boundaries of the broken system, can advocate for the much-needed change. This will further mean that elections favor the election of nationalists who respect democratic values, dialogue about constitutional amendment, and policies about issues both at the moment and long term ones.

7. Inclusive Dialogue

Engaging in an inclusive national conversation is one of the most pivotal steps toward a protected future. The reflections, probably one will hear are diverse voices that cut across different sectors: the youth, marginalized communities, leaders in business, and policymakers, which are more likely to highlight the diverse implications of constitutional limitations and suggest feasible futures of their review.

There is nothing to fear about reforms. Reforms should be some sign of a healthy democracy.

Conclusion

The 1987 Constitution was also a child of its time, born with the purpose of assuaging the nation's concern over the face of dictatorship. It has kept the country on its feet, but sadly, it is not fit to drive the nation forward to meet the needs of Filipinos in the present and future. Safeguarding the future of the Philippines requires a balance of constitutional literacy, civic engagement, strong democratic institutions, and responsible leadership offering change that matters. By acknowledging the limits and taking proactive measures in that direction, the nation can work towards a resilient, inclusive, and progressive future-even within the constraints of a "broken" Constitution. If the senate doesn't want to pass the RBH 6, the future generations of Filipinos to come will be hopeless and drug addicts, while the county's oligarchs and elites will continue to enjoy the broken system.

Self-maintenace

The Best Investment You Can Make Is in Yourself


Your phone battery? You charge it every night without fail.
Your car? Serviced every six months like clockwork.
Your appliances? Safely covered by a multi-year warranty.


But what about you?


Your skills—last updated when you graduated.
Your mindset—still running on the same limiting beliefs you had five years ago.
Your knowledge—stopped growing the day you started binge-watching Netflix.


We maintain everything we own… except ourselves.


Why We Upgrade Things but Not Ourselves


We’ll spend ₱50,000 on the latest phone without blinking. But we hesitate to spend ₱2,000 on a book or seminar that could protect our career and future.


We’ll happily pay ₱279 monthly for Netflix, but think ₱500 for an online course is “too expensive.”


We protect, maintain, and upgrade our gadgets and possessions, yet we let our most valuable asset—our mind—run on outdated software.


The Harsh Truth About Priorities


That shiny phone? It’ll be outdated in two years.
That trendy appliance? Eventually replaced.
But the knowledge, skills, and mindset you invest in? They’ll serve you for a lifetime, making you adaptable, competitive, and irreplaceable.


In a rapidly changing world, skills are the new currency. Technology evolves. Industries transform. The only way to stay relevant is to keep learning, adapting, and growing.




The ROI of Self-Investment


When you invest in yourself, the returns compound:


Skills make you more marketable and open new opportunities.


Mindset helps you face challenges without fear.


Knowledge gives you the power to make smarter decisions in career, finance, and life.




Every peso you spend on personal growth today saves you thousands—or even millions—tomorrow by increasing your earning potential, opening doors, and helping you avoid costly mistakes.


How to Start Investing in Yourself


1. Read daily – Even 15 minutes a day can transform your knowledge base.




2. Take online courses – Affordable, flexible, and skill-focused.




3. Attend seminars/workshops – Build skills and connections at the same time.




4. Upgrade your environment – Surround yourself with people who inspire and challenge you.




5. Invest in health – A sharp mind needs a healthy body to perform at its best.


The Bottom Line


We often treat our devices better than ourselves.
We protect them from viruses, update their software, and replace them when they slow down. But when was the last time you upgraded your own “operating system”?


Your mind is your most valuable tool. Your skills are your most important assets. Your mindset is your ultimate power source.


Invest in them relentlessly—because unlike gadgets, you can’t just buy a newer version of yourself.


The best investment you can ever make… is in you.

Let it go

Maturity Is Letting Go Without a Scene

"Maturity is when you stop asking yourself why someone isn't calling or texting anymore. You just realize the change, and you accept it, no drama, no fights. You just walk away smiling."

It's easy to say, too easy in fact—but believe me, in truth this is one of the toughest things in life. 

We are raised believing when something doesn't feel right in a relationship—whether romantic, friendly, or even professional—there is something we must do to fix it, ask questions, or fight to get answers. Although communication is key, maturity schools us in something more profound: the silence is sometimes the answer. 

Google Photo

Not Every Ending Requires a Fight

When someone stops initiating contact, our natural reaction is usually to wonder:

• Did I do something bad?
• Are they angry with me?
• Why won't they just say it?

And yet, in most situations, their reasons have nothing to do with us. Life gets busy, priorities change, feelings dwindle, and some relationships simply run their course. Pursuing explanations can sometimes cause more suffering than solace.

Acceptance Over Resistance

Maturity is knowing when to stop fighting for a spot in someone's life when they no longer make room for you. It's understanding that:

• You can't command attention at the cost of dignity.
• Others tell you where you're at in their world by how they treat you.
• Your energy is better spent on those who decide to keep you around.

Exiting with grace doesn't mean you don't care—mean you care enough about yourself not to beg for attention or presence.

No Drama, No Fights—Just Peace

By selecting acceptance over confrontation, you spare yourself unnecessary emotional exhaustion. You are spared the vicious cycle of blame, guilt trips, and apologies that seldom alter the result.

Instead, you opt for peace. You see the transformation, you adapt your expectations, and you move on without bitterness. You wish them well in your heart—though you never dare say so out loud.

The Smile That Means Freedom

That grin you flash when you walk away isn't artificial—it's a badge of freedom. It declares:

• I respect myself enough to release what no longer respects me.
• I don't require closure from you to end this book in my life.
• I am capable of moving on without bitterness.

In a world where bridges are burned with elaborate farewells, steadily walking away is a badge of real strength.

Ultimately, maturity is a matter of selecting dignity over desperation, peace over chaos, and self-respect over coercive attachments. You don't shut the door—you just cease banging on it. And that's the type of development that leaves you grinning.

State of Philippine telcos

Breaking the Barriers: Why the Philippines Needs to Support Telco Upgrades Now

Inadequate internet connectivity in the Philippines is a three-decade-old issue, and although we tend to blame telco corporations, the situation is more complex. Connectivity doesn't just "fall from the sky." It's constructed—cable by cable, tower by tower—by private entities who require access to communities in order to upkeep and upgrade their networks.

Wikipedia image

Last week, Globe Telecom made a rare public comment revealing a concealed barrier to quality internet service: unreasonable charges, excessive fees, and downright refusal from some homeowners' associations (HOAs) that are stalling critical infrastructure work.

The Hidden Roadblocks

Some gated residential villages, reports Globe, have pushed the concept of access control to an extreme:

• ₱100,000 "access fee" in one village—without even stating for how long it's effective.
• ₱5,000 daily fee imposed in another, irrespective of work type.
• Other HOAs prohibit the extension of fiber facilities outright, giving residents no upgrade choices.

These obstructions don't only hold up expansion—they block emergency maintenance and repair work. The consequence? Residents, usually at premium rates, are left with shaky connections or total service loss.

The Legal Side: HOAs Cannot Block Utility Access

This is not merely an issue of inconvenience, but also a breach of entrenched laws and policies.

Republic Act 9904 (Magna Carta for Homeowners and Homeowners' Associations) explicitly forbids the prevention of utility service providers from installing, maintaining, or disconnecting services under a ratified contract.

Department Order No. 2022-012 (DHSUD) specifically states that the permission of HOAs is not necessary for the laying of cables on existing poles, underground ducts, or other established telco infrastructure.

In other words: telcos have the right to enter these communities for legitimate service works, and HOAs have no legal grounds to block them.

Why This Matters to All Filipinos

Regardless of whether you're in a gated village or a small barangay, the effects of these blockades propagate throughout the entire network:

1. Slower upgrades – Blocking growth means delayed rollouts of fiber, 5G, and other next-gen technologies.
2. Postponed repairs – Longer closures equal more outages for residents.
3. Slowed economic development – Stable internet is essential for remote work, online learning, e-commerce, and tourism. Without it, they get left behind.
4. International competitiveness – The country is already low on international internet speed rankings. Having more artificial obstacles only makes us worse.

Why Telco Upgrades Are Non-Negotiable

Digital connectivity is no longer a luxury—it's a minimum requirement for:

• Students who take online classes
• Employees who work in work-from-home arrangements
• Businesses which operate e-commerce platforms
• Government services that depend on online platforms

Unless we keep upgrading our networks, we risk losing further ground to our ASEAN neighbors as they leapfrog towards smart cities, AI-facilitated logistics, and super-fast internet infrastructure.

What Needs to Change?

1. Increased LGU Intervention – Local governments need to ensure HOAs are conforming to national regulations.
2. Public Awareness – People should realize that improved connectivity directly benefits them.
3. Strict Penalties – Fines for HOAs stopping legal infrastructure work could discourage misuse.
4. Faster Permitting Processes – Even outside gated communities, bureaucracy by the government is holding back telco projects.

Final Thoughts

The struggle to have faster, more stable internet in the Philippines is not all about the tech—it's about breaking down human barriers. Globe's findings indicate that at times the greatest barriers are not the wires, towers, or expense, but the ones we build ourselves.

If we really want to fill in the digital divide, HOAs and local government must cease acting as gatekeepers and begin as partners in progress. The legislation is already in place—it's time to implement them and get each Filipino online.

So the next time you experience slow internet, lagging connection, you should know who's to blame first.

Mainstream media and IBON Foundation

Why Does Mainstream Media Always Choose IBON Foundation on Economic Matters?

If you've been tracking Philippine news for years, you might have observed this ongoing trend: when the economy is in the headlines—whether GDP growth, inflation, or poverty—IBON Foundation is usually quoted or featured. 

From Wikipedia

For others, though, this ubiquitous visibility brings more than curiosity—particularly because news articles and government security reports have characterized IBON Foundation as an "above-ground" arm of the CPP–NPA, the communist rebel organization that has been active in the Philippines.

Mainstream Media's Go-To "Economic Expert"

And in fairness, there is a pragmatic reason why IBON is seen everywhere. Journalists have them on speed dial because:

• They have instant press releases with information and graphs.
• They present tough, quotable opposition to official government views.
• They have a long history as an outsider's think tank promoting labor rights, equality of income, and protectionist economic policies.

And for the newsroom operating on tight deadlines, IBON is a handy option. But convenience must not stand in for caution—particularly when a source is affiliated with, as credible reports indicate, a four-decade old armed insurgency.

CPP–NPA Allegations

The Philippine Armed Forces (AFP), erstwhile military officials, and various in-depth news articles have characterized IBON Foundation as a component of the legal, underground apparatus of the Communist Party of the Philippines – New People's Army (CPP–NPA).

IBON has consistently refuted these claims, but the overlap is hard for its critics to deny:

• Parallel talking points and jargon between IBON pronouncements and CPP statements.
• Historical affiliations of some IBON members with leftist or activist organizations with links to the communist movement.
• Positions for advocacy coinciding with the CPP's political platform.

Whether or not one finds these views sympahtetic, the security issues cannot be ignored.

Same Color Politics

It's not just about economics, critics claim—its about ideology.

Some media are seen to lean in the same political "color" as IBON: left-leaning, anti-establishment, and usually very critical of U.S. relations and market liberalization.

This convergence accounts for why:

1. IBON is most frequently called upon for "alternative" data with little equal time for other economists.
2. Their criticisms are aired while voices in favor of reforms are marginalized.
3. The same anti-administration narratives are recycled across both IBON and some media.

The Risks of Overreliance

Even without the CPP–NPA charges, there are risks in having any single source of economic commentary:

• It limits the public's exposure to varied views.
• It runs the risk of infusing partisan ideology into purportedly objective reporting.
• It can harm media credibility if audiences perceive reporting as politically slanted—or better yet, sympathetic to groups linked to insurgents.

Moving Forward

If mainstream media wishes to maintain trust:

1. Expand the pool of experts – Feature economists from universities, think tanks, and business circles with a range of views.
2. Make disclosure – When quoting IBON, state its reported political affiliations so people can judge for themselves.
3. Encourage genuine debate – Allow the public to hear contrary analyses back to back, not separately.

For the people: stay skeptical. Don't take economic claims at face value—verify the source, check the agenda, and cross-reference with other sound data.

Last Thought:

Assuming the reports about IBON Foundation as an above-ground CPP–NPA organization are true, mainstream media's uncritical use of it for economic analysis is ultimately not just lazy reporting—it's potentially serving a group with decades of history of armed struggle against the state.

Equitable reporting is mediated by many voices and complete transparency if those voices carry political or insurgent affiliations.

No ID, No Entry

No ID, No Service? Why Vice Ganda's Take on the PH ID System Falls Short

During a recent episode of It's Showtime, host and actress Vice Ganda hit a sore spot when she accused what she called the "irony" of the Philippine ID system. Imitating a vexing situation common to many Filipinos, she demonstrated how some officials reject applicants who don't have a valid ID—when the reason they're applying in the first place is that they don't have one to start with.

"No ID? No ID. Kaya hindi ka magkaka-ID sa bansang 'to!"
– Vice Ganda, It's Showtime

The joke was met with guffaws and applause, but also prompted a necessary national discussion. Even though Vice's attitude was one shared by many, it's important that we look beyond the punchline here—because though the criticism is just in intent, the whole story is decidedly more complicated.

Google Photo

The Flawed Logic Behind the "No ID, No ID" Argument

Let’s break it down.

Yes, it does sound ridiculous at first: how can one be expected to show an ID in order to get one?

But what Vice Ganda failed to acknowledge is this: it’s not about being denied for not having any ID—it’s about verifying identity to prevent fraud, duplication, or exploitation of the system.

And the reality is, there are workarounds in place.

For example:

• When you apply for the PhilSys National ID, you don't have to submit a government ID—you can use other documents such as your birth certificate, barangay certification, or even school records.
• For other government IDs such as the Postal ID or Barangay Clearance, local certifying or witness validation can be substituted for formal IDs.
• For first-time claimants of SSS, PhilHealth, and Pag-IBIG, a certificate of live birth, or even barangay certification with photo, can be preliminary validation.

So the system isn't as closed-looped or ironic as the skit paints it out to be. It's just poorly explained—and sometimes inconsistently applied, particularly at the barangay or municipal level.

The Real Problem: Bureaucratic Culture, Not the ID System Itself

Vice Ganda's remarks picked at a deeper aspect than mere ID requirements—it brushed against the bureaucratic culture that excludes the poor, the undocumented, and the marginalized.

These are:

• Local government offices with variable documentation standards
• Frontliners who are not trained or who inflexibly apply procedures
• Inadequate digital infrastructure in far-flung areas, slowing down ID processing
• Government agencies' duplicative roles causing duplicate requirements

These are genuine issues. But accusing the entire ID system as ironic or "useless" is an oversimplification of the issue—and also preempts its solution.

What the Philippine ID System Actually Aims to Solve

National ID system (PhilSys) was implemented to make government services easier to access, reduce red tape, and provide one verifiable identity for every Filipino—even the undocumented ones.

Some of its advantages are:

• Access to banking for the unbanked
• Faster disbursement of government assistance
• Streamlined SIM card, passport, and employment application registration
• Less corruption through biometric identification

In short, the national ID is meant to put an end to the very vicious cycle Vice Ganda was mocking. And though rollout has been sluggish and bumpy, it's a move towards having a digital, inclusive, and secure identification system for all Filipinos.

A More Sensible Approach: Fix the Culture, Not Mock the System

Vice Ganda has undeniable influence, and we welcome her populism. We applaud her advocacy for the masses. But let us avoid transforming grave national issues into memes or slogans.

Yes, criticize inefficiencies.

Yes, bring attention to injustices.

But let us also:

• Push for public information campaigns regarding legitimate alternative documents
• Urge LGUs and agencies to streamline processes
• Call for accountability on the part of agencies for delayed or refused ID issuance
• Support digital ID reform that goes to the grassroots

The answer isn't to destroy the system with sarcasm—it's to require its better enforcement and accessibility.

Last Thoughts

The ID system in the Philippines is not perfect. It is not, however, necessarily broken or ironic either. It's a tool that—if enforced well—can empower millions and bridge gaps in access to public services.

Rather than make people laugh in despair, let's make them see their rights, their choices, and their strength to make them demand more.

Because the joke is not so much the ID requirement—it's when we allow myths to dissuade real reform.

About the impeachment

Impeachment of VP Sara Duterte: What Happened and Why It Matters

On February 5, 2025, Vice President Sara Duterte-Carpio became the first sitting Philippine vice president to face impeachment by the House of Representatives, marking a historic and highly controversial political episode. Philstar.com+10Philstar.com+10TIME+10

The Complaints: What Was She Accused Of?

Multiple groups filed three separate impeachment complaints between December 2024 and January 2025, by civil society organizations, religious leaders, lawyers, and victims’ families. 

Philstar.com+3Philstar.com+3Wikipedia+3

Allegations included:

• Misuse and malversation of over ₱612 million in confidential funds for the Office of the Vice President and DepEd. Philstar.com+10Philstar.com+10Wikipedia+10
• 
  
• Betrayal of public trust, graft & corruption, and undermining legislative oversight. AP News+15Philstar.com+15Philstar.com+15
• 
  
• Threats and extremist rhetoric, including alleged plotting to assassinate officials and inciting sedition. Wikipedia+2YouTube+2

The complaints consolidated into a fourth impeachment complaint, endorsed by 215 House members—a clear majority above the constitutional minimum of 102—fast-tracking it to the Senate without committee referrals. rappler.com+12PCIJ.org+12Philstar.com+12

The Legal Process: From House to Senate

Once the third complaint was filed, the House leadership invoked the "third mode" impeachment rule, allowing the complaint—now treated as Articles of Impeachment—to go directly to the Senate. PCIJ.org

What comes next:

House-appointed prosecutors (11 members) will argue the case in the Senate. Philstar.com

The Senate serves as the impeachment court; a two-thirds vote (16 of 24) is required to convict and remove Duterte.

Conviction leads to lifetime disqualification from public office, though no penalties like jail time are automatically imposed. Philstar.com+1

Civil society leaders—including Caritas Philippines—have called for a swift, impartial process, warning that delays weaken public trust. Reddit

What It Signals Politically

The impeachment came amid a bitter breakdown between Sara Duterte and allies of President Marcos Jr., who once traveled together during the 2022 elections. pna.gov.ph+9TIME+9YouTube+9

Her opponents—many now aligned with Marcos—worked to quickly secure the one-third vote needed. Notably, Sandro Marcos, the president’s son, endorsed the complaint. Philstar.com+1

Still, many Dutertes maintain a strong political base. Despite impeachment, Rodrigo Duterte was re-elected mayor of Davao while detained at the ICC, and other family allies won limelight Senate seats. TIME+1

Supreme Court Intervention: A Critical Twist

On July 25, 2025, the Philippine Supreme Court dismissed the impeachment complaint—not on merits but because it violated the constitutional rule banning multiple impeachment attempts within one year. Since three complaints had already been verified, the fourth was deemed unconstitutional. reuters.com

This ruling halts the Senate trial entirely for now and strengthens Sara Duterte’s political position, especially as a frontrunner for the 2028 presidential race. reuters.com

Key Takeaways

Final Perspective

Sara Duterte’s impeachment underscores a fractured political landscape in the Philippines. While accountability mechanisms are at work, the process also mirrors power struggles between two dynasties.

Her eventual fate is now paused—not decided—pending procedural timing. The constitutional safeguard that protected her may also embolden more legal challenges in the future.

A failed system

Cracks in the Nation: When Corruption Is Made Concrete

We walk in the Philippines on streets that deceive our feet and dump our faith into the concrete. We bring our children to schools where the paint is quicker in drying than the promises. We go to hospitals more concerned about the cost than the cure. This is not development—this is deceit incorporated into the blueprint of the system.

We live in a nation where bridges curve not due to traffic but under the weight of embezzled public money. Schools are built not to develop minds but to produce invoices. Hospitals are designed not to heal the ill but to hemorrhage government funds.

When concrete walls delaminate prior to the first day of classes being taught, we know there is something amiss. When a flood sweeps over a street freshly paved only the month before, we do not have to be engineers to feel betrayed. We know. Because we live it.

Google Photo

When Corruption Becomes Infrastructure

Philippine corruption is not a theoretical abstraction or a political slogan—it is infrastructure. It is in the rebar that is too flexible. It is in the classrooms that flood. It is in the bridges that collapse after ribbon-cutting ceremonies. This corruption is not merely a moral failing; it is the gradual, public hanging of the common good—signed off in triplicate and buried in bureaucracy.

We're told not to ask questions. We're told to let the experts handle it. We're told that we wouldn't be able to grasp it. But we're paying the price—and with our taxes, with our security, and sometimes with our lives.

The Real Cost: Broken Trust

Trust lost can be more difficult to restore than any bridge or monument. Each time a shortcut is used, each time the public money is diverted to be used for individual enrichment, the nation forfeits more than money—it loses hope. The people lose trust in government, in institutions, in the very notion that things will get better.

This rot is not concealed—it pervades everything. And still, silence is promoted. Passivity is the norm. Dissent is frowned upon.

The Call to Action: Inspect. Question. Speak.

It is not un-American to demand more.

It is our responsibility to ask questions about the projects that are undertaken in our name and with our funds. We are entitled to call for transparency. To visit roads and schools. To photograph decaying infrastructure. To object when our lives are put at risk by greed at the top.

Let it be said clearly: Silence is the concrete they would like to pour over our resistance. Each time we remain silent, they make a gain. Each time we shrug our shoulders at a clogged drainage system or a collapsed classroom ceiling, they get stronger.

So we must investigate. We must ask questions. We must record. We must voice our opinions.

Because if we don't, we become guilty of the burial of responsibility.

Hope, Built with Honesty

A country isn't constructed upon glitzy ribbon-cutting and golden-worded speeches. A country is constructed upon honor, openness, and service. We are worthy of bridges that won't buckle. Hospitals that will heal. Schools that will ignite. Storm-tested roads that hold.

They aren't frills—they are rights. And we won't get them through someone else being magnanimous with us. We need to make them.

Let's make a nation in which public projects really work for the public. Let's bring down the walls of silence and put up steel-strong scrutiny. Let's pave roads not with lies—but with truth, fairness, and accountability.

Is he even relevant?

Richard Heydarian: Should We Trust His Insights?

Richard Heydarian is a name that tends to generate controversy among political and academic circles. A well-known political analyst, columnist, and writer, Heydarian is regarded for his controversial views on geopolitics, international relations, and Philippine politics. But the question is — should we trust his insights? 

Richard Heydarian, Wikipedia

This blog takes a closer look at Heydarian's background, his perspectives, and how to critically evaluate his views.

Who is Richard Heydarian?

Richard Heydarian is a political science professor who is also a prolific author. He writes for major publications such as Al Jazeera, The New York Times, and Foreign Affairs. With a keen interest in Southeast Asian geopolitics, he has also done analyses on regional security, economic patterns, and leadership dynamics.

He has also written influential books like "The Rise of Duterte: A Populist Revolt Against Elite Democracy" and "The Indo-Pacific: Trump, China, and the New Struggle for Global Mastery", which have established his position as one of the greatest voices in the industry.

Why People Trust Heydarian?

1. Academic Credibility
   Heydarian is well-educated in political science, hence having a balanced point of view towards international and regional affairs. He is frequently sought after in academia and media platforms.
2. Media Presence
   A frequent face on global news networks, Heydarian provides clear and concise analysis that makes sense of intricate political events. His skill at deconstructing complex ideas into palatable insights is admirable.
3. Independent Perspective
   Unlike pundits who are aligned with one political party or another, Heydarian comes across as an independent analyst. His frank and critical appraisal of governments — foreign and domestic — has proven his interest in free interpretation.

Reasons for Skepticism

1. Personal BiasAlthough no analyst is completely bias-free, Heydarian's strong views tend to be polarizing at times. His critics suggest that his views might be biased towards certain narratives, which may affect the objectivity of his analysis.
2. Controversial Statements
   One of the examples that generated a lot of backlash was Heydarian's statement equating some areas of Mindanao to "sub-Saharan Africa" in economic underdevelopment. Although he probably meant to highlight the economic plight of the region, most Filipinos took offense and felt the comparison was reductionist. The social media backlash was quick, with individuals condemning him for reductionism in Mindanao's complex socio-economic context. This is an example of how tone and framing can at times overpower the intended message.
3. Selective Criticism
   Certain critics argue that Heydarian's criticisms might be more selective in targeting particular political leaders or policies, and less on other pertinent views.
4. Media Framing
   As a regular media commentator, Heydarian's opinions may at times be manipulated or magnified to suit particular narratives. It is important that readers and listeners contextualize and frame his utterances.

How to Analyze Heydarian's Insights?

1. Cross-Reference with Other Sources
   Don't just depend on the view of a single analyst. Compare Heydarian's opinions to that of other reputable analysts and institutions to gain a wider perspective.
2. Take into Account the Context
   Evaluate the context within which Heydarian is presenting his opinions. Is he giving a personal view, an academic analysis, or a media commentary? Any context can shape his tone and emphasis.
3. Identify Potential Bias
   Acknowledge that biases are inherent. The trick is to recognize them and balance their influence on the argument being made. Seek evidence-based reasoning and credible sources in his analysis.

Conclusion

So, do we trust Richard Heydarian? The answer is not a straightforward yes or no. To trust an analyst is not to blindly accept — it is to critically engage with what they have to say. Heydarian's experience and knowledge provide useful insights, but they are only one of many voices you should listen to when developing your own opinions.

In an age of information overload, the capacity to think critically and evaluate perspectives from multiple dimensions matters. You may agree or disagree with Heydarian, but his political contributions offer a foundation for richer dialogue.

At the end of the day, trust isn't granted — it's developed by being transparent, credible, and providing consistent insight. Be informed, be critical, and allow plurality of thought to inform your worldview.

The Irony of UP's Paper: A Strong Case for Constitutional Reform

Dear UP: Your Own Research Supports Charter Change

The University of the Philippines (UP), our country's top institution of higher learning, recently came out with a discussion paper that has lit up the reform movement. On initial reading, the paper seems to doubt or warn against constitutional revisions—especially those on economic liberalization and structural reform in governance.

But here's the twist: if you read the paper closely, it actually supports the call for constitutional change.

Let's discuss why.

The Paper Doesn't Oppose Charter Change—It Reinforces It

Contrary to some media analyses, the UP discussion paper is not an argument against constitutional liberalization. It rather emphasizes the imperatives of:

• A Parliamentary-Federal system, and
• Open Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) policies

These are precisely the pillars that constitutional reform advocates have been championing for decades.

So let’s stop pretending this paper undermines the reform movement. It confirms what we’ve known all along—that systemic change is necessary if the Philippines is ever to escape the economic and political stagnation we’ve been trapped in since 1987.

Why the Current Constitution Holds Us Back?

Here's the uncomfortable truth: the 1987 Constitution is architecturally a relic and essentially defective. It has yielded a government plagued by:

• Name-recall politics over competence
• Patronage appointments, stifling merit-based leadership
• Executive-legislative gridlock, preventing long-term policy consistency
• Policy inconsistency, courtesy of non-renewable six-year presidential terms
• Weak system of accountability, restricted to politicized impeachment
• Red tape and bloated bureaucracy, discouraging local and foreign investors

These're not political mere annoyances. They're inherent obstacles to making the Philippines an economically competitive, dynamic, and responsive country.

What Other Countries Did Right—and Why We Should Learn from Them

South Korea, Japan, and China are typically referred to as economic miracles. But let's be real about how they achieved this.

Prior to opening up their markets to global competition, they constructed well-established, centralized developmental states. They possessed:

• Long-term planning
• Policy consistency
• Effective governance frameworks
• Strong system of accountability

We, however, are attempting to open up our economy and yet holding on to a political system that is the opposite of these ideals.

In political science, this has been called a "fragile state." Gunnar Myrdal advocated developmental states that employ state power not for the enrichment of elites, but to spur inclusive growth. This takes the strength of institutions—something that the 1987 Constitution simply does not enable us to construct.

A Call to the University of the Philippines: Lead, Don't Stall

UP, you are an intellectual beacon. But with great power comes great responsibility.

Rather than doubling down on fear or vagueness, you might help spearhead a rational, fact-based debate about constitutional reform—not put it off with stale fears and reused talking points.

The hysteria about term extensions, foreign ownership of land, or alleged "loss of sovereignty" has been dismantled repeatedly. The actual threat is keeping a system that still rewards incompetence, fosters corruption, and hinders our country's progress.

UP official website

The Bottom Line: Let's Be Honest

If you take your own research seriously, then you'll have to confess: Charter Change is not a political power grab. It is a nation-building necessity.

So to the scholars and economists of UP: this is not a criticism of your scholarship. It's an appeal to put it to use.

Support constitutional reform—not for any political faction, but for the future of the Filipino people.

Final Thought

The Philippines cannot be a prosperous state with an impotent 1987 Constitution.

If we desire genuine change, it's not enough that we have better leaders. We need better systems. Systems that make people accountable, pay attention to competence, invite investment, and effectively deliver services.

That will not happen under the 1987 Constitution.

It's time we face that reality—and move on.

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UP's Academic Paper: https://econ.upd.edu.ph/.../ind.../dp/article/view/1552/1037

Why we need reforms in the Philippines

Why Changing the System — Not Just the Leaders — Is the Key to a Better Philippines

Introduction

Many Filipinos believe that the country only needs good leaders to fix its problems. We often say, “If only we had honest and competent officials, things would be better.” But this belief overlooks a fundamental truth: systems shape behavior more than individual morals do.

From neuroscience to behavioral economics, evidence suggests that a flawed system can corrupt even well-intentioned leaders, while a well-structured system can encourage good governance. The real solution to the Philippines’ challenges is not just electing better leaders but redesigning the system itself.

Google Photo

The Science: Your Brain Adapts to Systems, Not Just Morals

Modern neuroscience reveals that human behavior is largely shaped by the environment and the incentives it provides.

The dopamine system in our brain learns which actions lead to rewards. If corruption leads to power and wealth, politicians are neurologically conditioned to repeat those behaviors. This explains why many politicians, once they experience success through corruption, continue engaging in it. (Schultz, 2015 – Neuron)

Key Takeaway: The system, not just individual morality, determines long-term political behavior.

Behavioral Economics: Systems > Character

Studies in behavioral economics (Thaler & Sunstein, 2008) show that even well-meaning individuals make poor decisions when placed in bad systems. This is called “choice architecture”—the idea that our choices are heavily influenced by the environment in which we make them.

In the Philippines, elections are won not by the most competent leaders but by those with the best name recall, patronage networks, and financial resources. This forces even good candidates to play the game or risk losing.

Key Takeaway: The problem isn’t just corrupt politicians; it’s the rules of the game that reward bad behavior.

Real-World Evidence: A System That Rewards the Wrong Behaviors

1. Political dynasties dominate elections

74% of Congress members come from political families (Ateneo School of Government, 2019).

Weak political parties, expensive campaigns, and lack of campaign finance reform favor family-based rule rather than meritocracy.

2. Presidentialism breeds inefficiency

The Philippines' presidential system makes it difficult to remove an ineffective president, even in crises.

The separation of the executive and legislative branches often results in gridlock, delaying much-needed reforms.

3. Weak, personality-driven political parties

Party-switching (balimbing culture) is common, as politicians shift allegiances based on power, not principles.

There is little long-term vision in political parties, leading to short-term populist policies rather than sustainable development.

Key Takeaway: The current system encourages nepotism, inefficiency, and short-term thinking over national progress.

The Alternative: Structural Reforms That Promote Good Governance

Many successful countries have restructured their political systems to encourage accountability and good governance. The Philippines can learn from them by implementing

1. Parliamentary Government

The Prime Minister is accountable to Parliament and can be replaced if ineffective.

The executive and legislative branches work together, reducing political deadlock.

Party coalitions must collaborate, encouraging long-term planning over personality-driven politics.

2. Federalism with Institutional Safeguards

Regional governments can address local needs without excessive dependence on Manila.

Decentralization encourages competition and innovation among regions.

Safeguards like transparent campaign finance laws, competitive political parties, and independent watchdog institutions prevent power hoarding at the regional level.

Key Takeaway: Well-structured political systems incentivize honesty, competence, and collaboration.

Why Structure Comes First — Not Just Good People

As Dr. BJ Fogg of Stanford's Behavior Design Lab explains:

If you want to change people's behavior, you need to change their environment.

Good systems can prevent bad leaders from causing harm, while bad systems can make even good leaders ineffective.

The Philippines cannot rely on waiting for the perfect leader. Instead, it must create a system that ensures leaders are held accountable and rewarded for competent governance.

Key Takeaway: Change the system first, and better leaders will follow.

Action Steps: What We Can Do as a Nation

To create a better system, Filipinos must push for:

1. Campaign finance and political party reforms – Reduce patronage politics and level the playing field.
2. Gradual transition to a parliamentary or federal system – Ensure institution-building before full implementation.
3. Strengthening watchdog institutions – Give agencies like COA, Ombudsman, and COMELEC more independence and power.
4. Public education and civic engagement – An informed electorate is the foundation of a strong democracy.

Conclusion

The Philippines’ biggest obstacle is not the lack of good leaders but the presence of a system that rewards the wrong behaviors. To achieve lasting progress, we must stop waiting for ideal politicians and start building a system that fosters competence, integrity, and accountability.

Final Thought: Don’t wait for better leaders to change the system. Change the system, and better leaders will emerge.

Sources

1. Schultz, W. (2015). Neuronal Reward and Decision Signals: From Theories to Data. Neuron. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.neuron.2015.04.019
2. Donella Meadows. (2008). Thinking in Systems: A Primer
3. BJ Fogg, Ph.D. (2009). Behavior Model for Persuasive Design. https://behaviormodel.org
4. Thaler, R., & Sunstein, C. (2008). Nudge: Improving Decisions About Health, Wealth, and Happiness
5. Ateneo School of Government (2019). The Persistence of Political Dynasties in the Philippines
6. Stanford Social Neuroscience Lab (2012). The Role of Social Context in Moral Decision-Making