Is he even relevant?

Richard Heydarian: Should We Trust His Insights?

Richard Heydarian is a name that tends to generate controversy among political and academic circles. A well-known political analyst, columnist, and writer, Heydarian is regarded for his controversial views on geopolitics, international relations, and Philippine politics. But the question is — should we trust his insights? 

Richard Heydarian, Wikipedia

This blog takes a closer look at Heydarian's background, his perspectives, and how to critically evaluate his views.

Who is Richard Heydarian?

Richard Heydarian is a political science professor who is also a prolific author. He writes for major publications such as Al Jazeera, The New York Times, and Foreign Affairs. With a keen interest in Southeast Asian geopolitics, he has also done analyses on regional security, economic patterns, and leadership dynamics.

He has also written influential books like "The Rise of Duterte: A Populist Revolt Against Elite Democracy" and "The Indo-Pacific: Trump, China, and the New Struggle for Global Mastery", which have established his position as one of the greatest voices in the industry.

Why People Trust Heydarian?

1. Academic Credibility
   Heydarian is well-educated in political science, hence having a balanced point of view towards international and regional affairs. He is frequently sought after in academia and media platforms.
2. Media Presence
   A frequent face on global news networks, Heydarian provides clear and concise analysis that makes sense of intricate political events. His skill at deconstructing complex ideas into palatable insights is admirable.
3. Independent Perspective
   Unlike pundits who are aligned with one political party or another, Heydarian comes across as an independent analyst. His frank and critical appraisal of governments — foreign and domestic — has proven his interest in free interpretation.

Reasons for Skepticism

1. Personal BiasAlthough no analyst is completely bias-free, Heydarian's strong views tend to be polarizing at times. His critics suggest that his views might be biased towards certain narratives, which may affect the objectivity of his analysis.
2. Controversial Statements
   One of the examples that generated a lot of backlash was Heydarian's statement equating some areas of Mindanao to "sub-Saharan Africa" in economic underdevelopment. Although he probably meant to highlight the economic plight of the region, most Filipinos took offense and felt the comparison was reductionist. The social media backlash was quick, with individuals condemning him for reductionism in Mindanao's complex socio-economic context. This is an example of how tone and framing can at times overpower the intended message.
3. Selective Criticism
   Certain critics argue that Heydarian's criticisms might be more selective in targeting particular political leaders or policies, and less on other pertinent views.
4. Media Framing
   As a regular media commentator, Heydarian's opinions may at times be manipulated or magnified to suit particular narratives. It is important that readers and listeners contextualize and frame his utterances.

How to Analyze Heydarian's Insights?

1. Cross-Reference with Other Sources
   Don't just depend on the view of a single analyst. Compare Heydarian's opinions to that of other reputable analysts and institutions to gain a wider perspective.
2. Take into Account the Context
   Evaluate the context within which Heydarian is presenting his opinions. Is he giving a personal view, an academic analysis, or a media commentary? Any context can shape his tone and emphasis.
3. Identify Potential Bias
   Acknowledge that biases are inherent. The trick is to recognize them and balance their influence on the argument being made. Seek evidence-based reasoning and credible sources in his analysis.

Conclusion

So, do we trust Richard Heydarian? The answer is not a straightforward yes or no. To trust an analyst is not to blindly accept — it is to critically engage with what they have to say. Heydarian's experience and knowledge provide useful insights, but they are only one of many voices you should listen to when developing your own opinions.

In an age of information overload, the capacity to think critically and evaluate perspectives from multiple dimensions matters. You may agree or disagree with Heydarian, but his political contributions offer a foundation for richer dialogue.

At the end of the day, trust isn't granted — it's developed by being transparent, credible, and providing consistent insight. Be informed, be critical, and allow plurality of thought to inform your worldview.

The Irony of UP's Paper: A Strong Case for Constitutional Reform

Dear UP: Your Own Research Supports Charter Change

The University of the Philippines (UP), our country's top institution of higher learning, recently came out with a discussion paper that has lit up the reform movement. On initial reading, the paper seems to doubt or warn against constitutional revisions—especially those on economic liberalization and structural reform in governance.

But here's the twist: if you read the paper closely, it actually supports the call for constitutional change.

Let's discuss why.

The Paper Doesn't Oppose Charter Change—It Reinforces It

Contrary to some media analyses, the UP discussion paper is not an argument against constitutional liberalization. It rather emphasizes the imperatives of:

• A Parliamentary-Federal system, and
• Open Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) policies

These are precisely the pillars that constitutional reform advocates have been championing for decades.

So let’s stop pretending this paper undermines the reform movement. It confirms what we’ve known all along—that systemic change is necessary if the Philippines is ever to escape the economic and political stagnation we’ve been trapped in since 1987.

Why the Current Constitution Holds Us Back?

Here's the uncomfortable truth: the 1987 Constitution is architecturally a relic and essentially defective. It has yielded a government plagued by:

• Name-recall politics over competence
• Patronage appointments, stifling merit-based leadership
• Executive-legislative gridlock, preventing long-term policy consistency
• Policy inconsistency, courtesy of non-renewable six-year presidential terms
• Weak system of accountability, restricted to politicized impeachment
• Red tape and bloated bureaucracy, discouraging local and foreign investors

These're not political mere annoyances. They're inherent obstacles to making the Philippines an economically competitive, dynamic, and responsive country.

What Other Countries Did Right—and Why We Should Learn from Them

South Korea, Japan, and China are typically referred to as economic miracles. But let's be real about how they achieved this.

Prior to opening up their markets to global competition, they constructed well-established, centralized developmental states. They possessed:

• Long-term planning
• Policy consistency
• Effective governance frameworks
• Strong system of accountability

We, however, are attempting to open up our economy and yet holding on to a political system that is the opposite of these ideals.

In political science, this has been called a "fragile state." Gunnar Myrdal advocated developmental states that employ state power not for the enrichment of elites, but to spur inclusive growth. This takes the strength of institutions—something that the 1987 Constitution simply does not enable us to construct.

A Call to the University of the Philippines: Lead, Don't Stall

UP, you are an intellectual beacon. But with great power comes great responsibility.

Rather than doubling down on fear or vagueness, you might help spearhead a rational, fact-based debate about constitutional reform—not put it off with stale fears and reused talking points.

The hysteria about term extensions, foreign ownership of land, or alleged "loss of sovereignty" has been dismantled repeatedly. The actual threat is keeping a system that still rewards incompetence, fosters corruption, and hinders our country's progress.

UP official website

The Bottom Line: Let's Be Honest

If you take your own research seriously, then you'll have to confess: Charter Change is not a political power grab. It is a nation-building necessity.

So to the scholars and economists of UP: this is not a criticism of your scholarship. It's an appeal to put it to use.

Support constitutional reform—not for any political faction, but for the future of the Filipino people.

Final Thought

The Philippines cannot be a prosperous state with an impotent 1987 Constitution.

If we desire genuine change, it's not enough that we have better leaders. We need better systems. Systems that make people accountable, pay attention to competence, invite investment, and effectively deliver services.

That will not happen under the 1987 Constitution.

It's time we face that reality—and move on.

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UP's Academic Paper: https://econ.upd.edu.ph/.../ind.../dp/article/view/1552/1037

Why we need reforms in the Philippines

Why Changing the System — Not Just the Leaders — Is the Key to a Better Philippines

Introduction

Many Filipinos believe that the country only needs good leaders to fix its problems. We often say, “If only we had honest and competent officials, things would be better.” But this belief overlooks a fundamental truth: systems shape behavior more than individual morals do.

From neuroscience to behavioral economics, evidence suggests that a flawed system can corrupt even well-intentioned leaders, while a well-structured system can encourage good governance. The real solution to the Philippines’ challenges is not just electing better leaders but redesigning the system itself.

Google Photo

The Science: Your Brain Adapts to Systems, Not Just Morals

Modern neuroscience reveals that human behavior is largely shaped by the environment and the incentives it provides.

The dopamine system in our brain learns which actions lead to rewards. If corruption leads to power and wealth, politicians are neurologically conditioned to repeat those behaviors. This explains why many politicians, once they experience success through corruption, continue engaging in it. (Schultz, 2015 – Neuron)

Key Takeaway: The system, not just individual morality, determines long-term political behavior.

Behavioral Economics: Systems > Character

Studies in behavioral economics (Thaler & Sunstein, 2008) show that even well-meaning individuals make poor decisions when placed in bad systems. This is called “choice architecture”—the idea that our choices are heavily influenced by the environment in which we make them.

In the Philippines, elections are won not by the most competent leaders but by those with the best name recall, patronage networks, and financial resources. This forces even good candidates to play the game or risk losing.

Key Takeaway: The problem isn’t just corrupt politicians; it’s the rules of the game that reward bad behavior.

Real-World Evidence: A System That Rewards the Wrong Behaviors

1. Political dynasties dominate elections

74% of Congress members come from political families (Ateneo School of Government, 2019).

Weak political parties, expensive campaigns, and lack of campaign finance reform favor family-based rule rather than meritocracy.

2. Presidentialism breeds inefficiency

The Philippines' presidential system makes it difficult to remove an ineffective president, even in crises.

The separation of the executive and legislative branches often results in gridlock, delaying much-needed reforms.

3. Weak, personality-driven political parties

Party-switching (balimbing culture) is common, as politicians shift allegiances based on power, not principles.

There is little long-term vision in political parties, leading to short-term populist policies rather than sustainable development.

Key Takeaway: The current system encourages nepotism, inefficiency, and short-term thinking over national progress.

The Alternative: Structural Reforms That Promote Good Governance

Many successful countries have restructured their political systems to encourage accountability and good governance. The Philippines can learn from them by implementing

1. Parliamentary Government

The Prime Minister is accountable to Parliament and can be replaced if ineffective.

The executive and legislative branches work together, reducing political deadlock.

Party coalitions must collaborate, encouraging long-term planning over personality-driven politics.

2. Federalism with Institutional Safeguards

Regional governments can address local needs without excessive dependence on Manila.

Decentralization encourages competition and innovation among regions.

Safeguards like transparent campaign finance laws, competitive political parties, and independent watchdog institutions prevent power hoarding at the regional level.

Key Takeaway: Well-structured political systems incentivize honesty, competence, and collaboration.

Why Structure Comes First — Not Just Good People

As Dr. BJ Fogg of Stanford's Behavior Design Lab explains:

If you want to change people's behavior, you need to change their environment.

Good systems can prevent bad leaders from causing harm, while bad systems can make even good leaders ineffective.

The Philippines cannot rely on waiting for the perfect leader. Instead, it must create a system that ensures leaders are held accountable and rewarded for competent governance.

Key Takeaway: Change the system first, and better leaders will follow.

Action Steps: What We Can Do as a Nation

To create a better system, Filipinos must push for:

1. Campaign finance and political party reforms – Reduce patronage politics and level the playing field.
2. Gradual transition to a parliamentary or federal system – Ensure institution-building before full implementation.
3. Strengthening watchdog institutions – Give agencies like COA, Ombudsman, and COMELEC more independence and power.
4. Public education and civic engagement – An informed electorate is the foundation of a strong democracy.

Conclusion

The Philippines’ biggest obstacle is not the lack of good leaders but the presence of a system that rewards the wrong behaviors. To achieve lasting progress, we must stop waiting for ideal politicians and start building a system that fosters competence, integrity, and accountability.

Final Thought: Don’t wait for better leaders to change the system. Change the system, and better leaders will emerge.

Sources

1. Schultz, W. (2015). Neuronal Reward and Decision Signals: From Theories to Data. Neuron. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.neuron.2015.04.019
2. Donella Meadows. (2008). Thinking in Systems: A Primer
3. BJ Fogg, Ph.D. (2009). Behavior Model for Persuasive Design. https://behaviormodel.org
4. Thaler, R., & Sunstein, C. (2008). Nudge: Improving Decisions About Health, Wealth, and Happiness
5. Ateneo School of Government (2019). The Persistence of Political Dynasties in the Philippines
6. Stanford Social Neuroscience Lab (2012). The Role of Social Context in Moral Decision-Making

No more lame excuses

Enough with the Excuses: Why Constitutional Reform is Long Overdue in the Philippines

From President Ramos in 1995 to President Marcos Jr. in 2025, the Philippines has seen at least 13 serious efforts to amend or revise the 1987 Constitution. And yet—every single time—the same tired arguments are employed to stall change.

Let us dissect these exhausted excuses and finally discuss why constitutional reform (Charter Change or Cha-Cha) is not only needed, but imperative to the Philippines.

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The Usual Anti-Charter Change Excuses—Shot Down

1. "It will be used to extend terms!"

This specter has dogged each effort, but it's a scare tactic—no valid argument. Constitutional change can be effected without term extensions. Safeguards can be included.

2. “Foreigners will own our lands!”

False. What we’re talking about is economic liberalization—allowing foreign direct investment (FDI) in key sectors. Land ownership can still be protected through enabling laws. Singapore, Vietnam, and even China allow foreign investment—yet they’re not colonized.

3. “We’ll be colonized again.”

That's not the way globalization goes in the 21st century. Foreign partners are what we need to construct industries, generate jobs, and introduce technologies. Economic nationalism cannot be equated with isolationism.

4. "It's not a priority."

It's never been a priority for decades—and that's why we're still adrift with high poverty, low wages, and massive emigration of talent overseas. How can actual development occur if we never address the underlying causes?

5. "The issue is the politicians, not the Constitution."

Actually—it's both. The existing Constitution allows political dynasties, party switching, and power centralization. A dysfunctional system yields dysfunctional leadership.

6. "It's poor timing."

That's been the rationale for 30 years. When, precisely, is the perfect time? In the middle of a disaster? An election? The response is always "not now." That's the point: there's never a "perfect" time—we need gutsy action, now.

7. "We already have the best Constitution in the world."

That was the statement of somebody who blocked each move to contemporize the Charter. But honestly, a Charter that restricts foreign capital, permits dynasties, and concentrates Manila power is not best—it's a relic.

8. "It hasn't been properly implemented yet."

So we’re supposed to wait another 40 years? That’s a cop-out. The flaws are structural. No amount of implementation will fix anti-growth, anti-progress provisions.

9. “We don’t have budget for federalism.”

We don’t have the budget because the economy can’t grow fast enough. Federalism, if done right, empowers regions to generate and manage their own wealth. That’s how Malaysia, Germany, and the U.S. do it.

10. “We need aid, not Cha-Cha.”

Aid is temporary. Reform is forever. The greatest assistance we can offer Filipinos is a more excellent system that will not drive them out of the house just to survive.

11. "It will be hijacked by corrupt politicians."

Not if the people remain watchful. Reform won't be ideal, but sticking with a damaged system because we are fearful of abuse is tantamount to not having surgery because you fear malpractice.

12. "It's all for political gain."

Of course, some will attempt to manipulate the process. But that's precisely why we need transparency, public education, and robust citizen engagement—not fear-mongering or apathy.

The Actual Problem: Our Constitution Is Outdated

The 1987 Constitution, written in the aftermath of the Marcos transition, was composed with fear as a concern—rather than growth. It is filled with protectionist laws, Manila-biased government, and bureaucratic straitjackets that choke off innovation and decentralization.

We are living in 2025, but we are living with laws and structures drafted in the shadow of 1986. Our neighbors, on the other hand, progressed long ago.

How Other Southeast Asian Countries Reformed

• Vietnam: Opened its economy in the 1990s. Now one of the fastest-growing in Asia.
• Malaysia: Overhauled education, infrastructure, and investment policies.
• Thailand: Revised its Constitution to enhance governance and accountability.
• Singapore: Constructed its world-class economy through structural reform, not leadership alone.

The outcome?

More employment, better pay, less brain drain—and quicker development.

Benefits of Constitutional Reform in the Philippines

1. More Employment and Investments

Revising economic provisions will allow foreign capital to penetrate industries—creating jobs and better pay.

2. Balanced Regional Development

With federalism or enhanced local autonomy, regions are able to develop according to their resources and priorities, putting an end to the "Imperial Manila" syndrome.

3. Enhanced Political Accountability

Political party reform and anti-turncoat laws would promote platform-oriented politics, not elections based on personalities.

4. Better Public Services

Areas controlling their own coffers translate to quicker infrastructure, improved health care, and tailored education solutions.

5. Less Migration and OFW Dependency

With greater opportunities at home, Filipinos won't need to leave their families behind just to work.

6. A New, Competitive Economy

Brought in line with international standards, our economic laws enable the Philippines to compete equally and entice long-term investments.

Conclusion: System Change, Not Leadership Change

Let's break free from the same old anti-reform propaganda.

Constitutonal Reform isn't about prolonging terms, selling the nation, or taking over—it's about liberating the Filipino people from a malfunctioning, outmoded system that has been unable to usher in prosperity for nearly 40 years.

We owe it to ourselves and to the future to put down fear and pick up on true, fearless reform.

It's not a matter of who holds power—it's about getting the system in order so power works for people.

Ready to take action or get more involved? Join civic education campaigns, reach out to your local leaders, and assist in making the call for a better tomorrow louder through systemic reform.